An article to have caught my attention tonight: Mikael Parkvall (2008), Which parts of language are the most stable?, Sprachtypologie und Universalienforschung 61/3.
The main momentum of the paper is to define a statistical measure of the “arealness” or “geneticness” of a particular linguistic feature. This can be accomplished with fairly elementary calculations, once given a large dataset (the author uses, not especially surprizingly, WALS). Typologists will likely find the excercise illustrative, both in its general array of eyeball-able results, and in demonstrating how even the simplest bit of math can go a long way. 
One result stands out to me: among the features found the most strongly genetic, at #3 stands “M-T pronouns” — i.e. the likes of Uralic *minä, *tinä, and their suggested distant relatives in Indo-European, Yukaghir, Turkic, Mongolic, etc. (families that, taken together, form a subset of the Nostratic macrofamily hypothesis known as “Mitian”). Parkvall does not fail to notice this result either.
This may still require a number of caveats. WALS does not pack a very large number of etymological data sets, and is more geared towards features that can instead illuminate areal patterns. And, perhaps as a warning, the #1 most genetic feature on the list turns out to be “presence of phonemic clicks”.
As people who dabble in linguistic classification most probably know, click consonants have traditionally been held as a defining marker of an alleged “Khoisan” language family of southern Africa, first proposed by notorious “lumper” Joe Greenberg. However, putting together more conventional evidence for this grouping has over the years proven near-impossible, and these days conservative analyses instead seem to have settled on distinguishing some 3-4 separate families (the larger units with some acceptance being Khoe, Tuu, and Ju-ǂHoan) in place of unified Khoisan.
(An additional point, if you look closely at the math behind the stats, is that the highly genetic assessment of clicks gets a slice of its homogeneity score not just from the high homogeneity of the “Khoisan” families in their presence of clicks; but also from the complete homogeneity of all non-African language families in their absense of clicks. This argument can be expected to equally apply to any other trait that is truly a single-family or single-geographical-area idiosyncracy, rather than one found sporadically around the world.)
Regardless, we see “Mitianness” still squarely beating out various common tell-tale signs of established-family genetic relatedness, such as the presence of ejectives; sex-based noun gender systems; or polysynthesis.
At some point in the future, once we have an “etymological WALS” at our disposal, it would be moreover interesting to repeat this experiment with a few other lexical variables. E.g. how do numerals or body parts stack against pronouns in genetic classification? What are the stablest kinship terms? How good a job does the Swadesh list really do? Are there any interesting surprizes to be found in words for abstract concepts? Do old and universal enough cultural concepts (think “pottery”, “hunting technology”) behave as if they were core vocabulary? Etc, etc, time will tell.
 Of course, something like 90% of the time, “the simplest bit of maths” seems to be all that we have yet in linguistics. This is surely great news for people who are not professionals, but who want to follow linguistics arguments along from home; or for the career plans of people like myself, who know enough undergrad-level maths to craft a couple other elementary mathematical tools for testing this or that hypothesis, if necessary. On the other hand, it is a less than promising sign about the overall quantitative reliability of our field in general, so far…